
WAi-VK-i 







Book 



thEe national fast. 






J^ SEIlMiOlNr 



PREACHED AT COLDWATER, MICH., 



a-,A.3Nrxj-A.n."5r 4, leex, 



BY 



REV. HORACE C. HOVEY. 



Republican Print, Coldwater, Mich. 
. 1861. 



THE NATIONAL FAST. 



a ■• 



A_ S 



PREACHED AT COLDWATER, JIICIL: 



a"-«a.3xrxj-A.x^'5r ^, xecss., 



BY 



EEV. HORACE C. 



"F 



Republican Print, Cold water, Mich. 
1861. 



Correspondence. 

Hey. lIoa.vcE C. IIovey— Z'ear Sir: We, the undersigned, believing the ciuse of 
Christianity, freedom and humanity wouhl he served by a more extended circuhition of 
the discourse delivered by you, in this village, on the occasion ot the National Fast- Day 
—Jan. 4'Lh, 1801— respectfully request a copy of said discourse for publication. 

S. B. SMITH, K. R. CLARKE, 

PLATT GILBERT, S. (JLESSXER, 

■\V. VV. BARRETT, «- . E. SPRING, 

S. S. PECKHAM, H. U. SCOFIELD, 

R. E. H \LL, H. B. ROBINSON, 

D. H. IWVIS, JAMES FISK. 

Rev. S. B. Smith, Platt Gii.iiEiiT, and others— Gcntle7nen: If in your judgmeut, the 
publication of the accompanyi.Tg sermon will promote the cause of truth, it is at your 
service. No alterations have been made in the discourse, except such as were necessarj to 
St it for publication. Yours truly, HORACE C. IIOVEY. 



A. S 'E Tl JSl O N 



L^AiAH, 58: 5 — 8 — "la it such a fast that I have ehspen? a tlav for a raan to afflict his 
Fcml? is it to bow down his bead as a bulrush, and to spread sackcloth and asbcy under 
him? wilt thou call this a last, and an acceptable day to the Lord ? 

Is not this the fast that I have chosen ? to hiose the bands of wickedness, to undo the 
heavy bura^ns, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? 

Is it not to deal thy bread to the liunirry. and ihat thou brino- the poor "that are cast out 
to '.bine bouse? when ihou scest the naked, that thou corer him ; and thai thou hide not 
thyself from thine own flesh? 

Then shall thy light break forth as the naorning, and tliine health shall .-piii-i;: forth- 
speedily." 

Though no uninspired lips can utter a disrourse worthy of such a grand 
foundation; j-et, God helping me, I shall endeavor faithfully to apply this portion 
of Divine truth to existing cirtuinstances. In doing this, I cannot suSer myself 
to be hampered in any way ; cither by unfavorable precedents or by surround- 
ing prejudices. If the whole truth is ever to be spolcen boldly, now is the day 
and now is the hour. A careful study of the text, a glance at the dangers- 
impendina: over our beloved land, und the perusal of that Proclamation which 
has called us together, combine to dispel forever from mj mind, those mists 
that have been thrown around it by that class of theorists who would sedu- 
lously fortify the pulpit against encroachments from questions of social and 
political reform. 

The discussion of such subjects, they have told me, is a desecration of the 
sacred desk. It is the minister's business to preach the go pel. He should 
confine himself to matters purely religious ; leaving the forms of society andi 



government to be fashioned by lecturers and politicians. These allegations 
compel me to inquire into the 

Peovixce of tue Preacher. 

They have necessarily, and deeply disturbed the mind of one, wlio having hut 
recently entered the work of the ministry, stands at the gntc of the Lord's 
vineyard, anxiously _ asking what labor he is called to perform. Surveying' 
the broad land in which he dwells, he sees to his alarm, gigantic sins extend" 
ing themselves to embrace in their unfriendly grasp, all classes of society and 
all departments of government, threatening tlie very life of the nation. Yet 
he is told that he must be silent concerning these evils, because they are of a 
political character. 

He sees the demon, iUchohol, though apparently crushed again and again by 
the efforts of temperance organizations, rising anew, with additional strength, 
to grind beneath his heel the happiness, the hopes, the lives, and the souls of 
thousands. He longs to see him crushed by the iron grasp of the hiw. But 
this, he is assured has lis political bearings, and therefore, his lips are to be 
sealed I 

He sees, again, a strong and terrible system, binding millions of his fellow- 
beings in a cruel bondage— a system at war with every true interest of hu- 
manity and with every principle of religion. Yet he is told tliat the question 
touching the perpetuity of this system is of ajwUtical nature, and that silence 
respecting its wrongs is, for this reason, becoming the minister of the gospel. 

Faith, love, peace, and inward piety, he is plainly informed, are the only 
topics on which he must dwell ; — abstractions to which the Distiller and the 
Son of Temperance, the Slave-holder and the Abolitionist can listen compla- 
cently sitting- side by side. 

But H'jw, on a day like this, I am constrained to aslc if this silence is any 
longer right, on the part of one who is stationed as a Captain in the Christian 
arrny ? "No! No !" I must indignantly exclaim ; "The trumpet of the Lord 
is on my lips ! Let me sound the charge to-day, with the hope that at some 
future dav. I may beperuHtted, through the same trumpet to "sound the notes 
of Jubilee r 

Where would the principle carry us, that no question of political reform is ad- 
missable in the pulpit? The aggressions of the defenders of slavery have increas- 
ed until ihey have become alarming. A few years ago they agitated the minds 
of but a few friends of humanity. Most of us were taught to believe that 
African slavery in the United States, was au expiring evil ; and we stood 
quieilv by, to see the mons-ter breathe his last. But now, the claims ami 
clamors and menaces of those who support that system, cause our land to vi- 
brate from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 

Because this agitation is so widely spread tint it furnishes the chief topic of 
thought and conversation in all circles, must the ministry, therefore, assume 
a timid air, and cower behind a "wholesome dread of preaching politics?" 
God forljid ! For if that be the ca'^e, all the Devil will have to do, when the 
discussion of aiii/ great moral question grows too hot for him, is to label it — 
"Politics!" If, before that magical word, the ministry must be dumb, we 
throw at once the whole power inlo the hands of the Adversary ; for there is 
hardlv anv subject connected with religion that has not heretofore been, and 
may not hereafter be, intermingled with politics. 

It will be (^ranted by any one, v;ho truly understands the province of the 
preacher, that he should in his pulpit ministrations rigidly abstain fronj all 
questions that diVa piircJij secular; for his sphere is the round of eternal verities. 
But when there vrises, with regard to any subject, a discussion that has reli- 
gious, as well as political bearings; a discussion that convulses church as 



4 

well as State ; a discussion that affects the well-being of man in the next 
world as well as in this ; when such a (Question arises, then the messenger of 
Him who "came not to send peace, but a sword;" is guilty if he does not 
make the world ftel to the utmost whatever power God has given him. 

It is the glory and perfection of Christianit}^ that its principles are such as 
permeate the whole life of man — individual, social, national. Christianity is a 
religion of particulars. No moral act is too trifling for its cognizance ; none 
is so lofty as to transcend its sphere of jurisdiction. In establishing this holy 
religion, then, the minister should suffer no sin to be protected from his assault, 
because it is hoary with age, or because it is shielded by the great ones of 
earth. Nor is he to with-hold his cherishing hand from any virtuous cause, 
on account of its recent origin, or because it is despised and hated among men. 

Sin — private, or public, individual, or national ; sin — among the lofty or the 
lowly, the learned or the ignorant ; sin— whether blushed at or gloried in ; of 
any color, in any shape, occupying any position, sin is the adversary with 
which the Christian minister is to wage an uncompromising warfiire until it is 
banished from the earth. 

And, on the other hand, righteousness, in business and recreation, in the 
closet, and in the great assembly ; righteousness, among the rulers and the 
ruled, in the social circle and on the political arena ; righteousness every vfhere 
and always, is that for which the minister of Christ is to labor and contend, 
until its dominion is established in every human heart. 

.Because it farthers so glorious a ic.ork, 1 hail tjus day. 

In accordance with the President's Proclamation, the Christian people of 
these United States are now assembled, for no other purpose than to confess 
all national sijis, and to invoke the Supreme Being for forgiveness, restoration 
to Divine favor, assistance, deliverance and protection. 

Whatever the antecedents of this Proclamation may be, and whatever the 
motives leading to its publication, the document, in itself considered, wil! 
doubtles^s meet the approval of every careful reader. It is so judiciously 
worded that no man need be offended at its requirements, whatever may bo the 
complexion of his political opinions. And yet, harmless as it seems, it may 
show itself to be the most "incendiary paper" ever issued in our country. It 
invites us to the free discussion of subjects hitherto interdicted. It invites us 
to confess our "national sins." Hence it will add fresh fuel to the flames of 
cxeiten-ient. 

The tremulous accents of the Proclamation present us moreover, with a 
pitiable picture of our Chief 3Iagistrate. We see an imbecile old man wring- 
iiijz his liunds, in the halls of the 'Wliite House, instead of a hero, wielding his 
[-word on tiie plains of South Carolina, where traitors are preparing the muni- 
tions of wcr. Thus the picture appears to the eyes of anti-slavery men at the 
Nortli. and of pro-slavery men at the South. One class of men only, view it 
in a different light — viz, the pro-slavery men of the North! Oh ! with what 
flilferent emotions should we conform to the terms of a proclamation like this, 
had it only been preceded by such a proclamation as that manly one, issued by 
auotlier President in a similar exigency I Had President Buchanan ventured 
on some bold measure kindred to that which Jackson adopted on the 11th of 
Dec. 1S3'2, first clearly defining the relations existing between the several 
States and the General Government ; showing' with the utmost lucidity, that 
secession is but the synonym of treason ; and then shaking the thunderbolts of 
war over the heads of the daring rebels ; and, finally, spreading the arms of 
paternal affection, and bidding the disobedient children return to the bosom 
they had wounded — oh I then, as the happy issue of such righteous boldness, 
we might now be feasting at the table of Thanksgiving, instead of wearing 
sack-cloth, and sprinkling our heads with ashes ! 



5 

And yet — I repeat it — 1 hail this day ! It bids us look our national sins in 
the face ; — a thing we never yet have honestly and fairly done. 

The language of the Proclamation touching this point is clear enough : — 
"Let us, with deep contrition, and penitent sorrow, unite in humbling our- 
selves before the Most High, in confessing our individual and national sins, 
and in acknowledging tiie justice of our punishment." But tlie President 
specifies none of tlie "national sins," with a single exception. lie e.xhorts us 
to "implore God to remove from our hearts that/a^,sc pride of opinion, whicli 
would impel us to persevere in wrong for the sake of consistency, rather than 
vield a just submission to the unforsten exigences by wliich we are surround- 
ed." Tbis exhortation is thoroughly Janus-iaced. It looks Norlhwanl and 
Southward at once. If it means, as from some other man it might, that the 
men of the South are to yield prompt allegiance to a constitutionally electeil 
President, even though his views are adverse to their own, then it meets our 
iiearty approval. But it is viewed by us all with detestation, if it is intended 
to instruct a victorious party — a party that has been strugsrling, too, for the 
maintenance of cherislied principles, to lay aside, at the bidding of traitorous 
seces!<ionists, the laurels so recently won. But the language of the exhorta- 
tion is ambiguous. It may have either signification, according to the stand- 
point of the man v/ho reads it. Taken in connection with the antecedents of 
the President, it wouhl seem intended to «<{;<? into submission and silence, those 
who cannot otherwise be induced to respect the existiu<r Administration, or to 
favor the institution to which that Administration lends its support. 

We are urged to fast on account of our "national sins ;" yet those sins are 
not speciSed. We have no alternative, therefore, but to make our own spec- 
ilicatiou. What tlcen, are the most promiHcnt of our Rational sins ? 

I. Vanity. 

While I would decry our national vanify, no one will u'lderstaud mc 
to speak dispyr.igiuL'lv of that honest ailmiruion of our native land, which is 
over becoming to tlie patriot. Would that tve had a still higher appreciation 
of the eapabilitixis of ihis younjr repuldic ctnd of the glorious destiny which 
may even yet, be hers I Bat midiij differs f/om this noble consciousness of 
flower. 

Even those, in the old v/orld, Avho admire our greatness, ridicule our noto- 
rious vanity. W^e have been so often assured that "The future is with us," that 
we have come to thiuk that "future" pirsod. Our capabilities have been mis- 
taken by us for actual attainments. We have laugheil our advisers to scorn, 
when they have warned as that wu had in our bosom the elements of destruc- 
tion, as well as those of development and growth. Romanism, and slaccrij, 
the L'rand obstacles to American progress, have been persistently considered 
by us as ouly trivial impediments. Those, and other diflkulties in our pata. 
have been lightly brushed aside by us, in our vain-glor i(uis parade; and we 
have esteemed it a fore-irone conclusion that young Ameiica was to usher ui 
the millenium several hundred years before tiie time originally designated in 
the programme of the Universe! _^ 

Thu.s'we have boasted and gloried, and swelled ourselves wit., pn-.e, nutii 
a general humiliation became necessary. And it has roni^ ! \v e are exhort- 
ted to it iu the President's proclamation. But I trust and pray that no deepe'" 
disgrace may be in store for us than that already miiicted. Iho won: ot lium- 
blin" would" seem to have been thoroughly done. 

But lately, the whole vocabulary of high-sounding terms was exaaustc.i in 
self-laudation. Where now are those ehuiuent beastcrsV How .luickly hen- 
voice is hushed ! Becently we saw ihem sailing sunward with their si 1-en 
Ullcuu swelled into symmetry by idle fancies, uijtd it seemed m lis gilded 



6 

glory almost another sun. But now, the toy is punctured by the sword of 
secession, and the braggarts, clinging to the cordage, await the crash I 

In a day like this, when there is enou^^h to alarm and humble even the sober 
patriot, there should be enough to silence forever all idle boasters. Let u& 
repent, then, of our national vanity! Let us most sedulously cultivate just 
views of the part we are playing in the Tragedy of Nations. If the Master 
has given us important work to do, as a nation, in demonstrating the practica- 
bility of a republican form of government, let us not forget that sucii a work 
should be prayerfully undertaken, and seriously prosecuted, with all holy meek- 
ness, conj(Mned with righteous firmness. Our government is of but recent 
origin. It is but an experiment, which may fail — which ivill fail, unless car- 
ried through with a steady hand, a clear head and an honest heart. x\way 
then with vanitij, which renders the hand vacillating, the brain inconstant and 
thii heart corrupt ! Humbly, quietly, but faithfully and zealously, let us toil, 
waiting for our glory till it is bestowed by the King of Kings. 

Another of our uational sins consists in cherishing a 

11. Pakty Spirit. 

It is natural for men to seek the preservation of their rights, and the accom- 
plishment of their purposes, through the formation and maintenance of parties. 
It is vain to denounce ihe association of man with man. We have all found 
nut the truth of the proverb : "In union there is strength," and we recognize 
it in every department of life. lieginning with those family ties, which Na- 
ture herself has woven, we stretch fortli the arms of our sympathy to embrace 
our fellow-men in the church, the neighborhood, the county, the State, the 
national party and the nation itself. And when the whole sisterhood of na- 
tions on earth, 'shall have found common moral, social and political ground, so 
that they can be united into one grand, ecumenical congress, the family of 
man will still find it true that "In ut\ion there is strength." 

It will not, then, be understood that I am spcakinsf now against this naturai 
love of association. I am but denouncing its lament:ib!c perversion. 

It is wrong for an individual to put forth efforts in behalf of any but right- 
eous ends. This is admitted on all hands. Whv not say the same of partita; 
which after all are only associations of individuals V If a party seeks the at- 
tainment of unholy ends, is not every individual guilty who leuus that party 
his intelligent support? 

I advance three general propositions, confident that they will recommend 
themaelves at once to you all. 

1st. A party espousing had principles, is an ins-tri3iueat fit for Satanic uses. 

2ud. A party with no principles is :in absurdity. 

ord. A party with / ighteoas [)rinciples, is adapted to promote the happiness* 
of men and the glory of God. 

Hence, if there is (as we all believe) a Power in Heaven that controls the 
destiny of nations, the yc'r.si! party will be sure to fail in the end; the second 
party wiil be stiU-born ; the third party will ultimately be triumphant over all 
opposition. l>ut orilinary p irtisans do not look for the principles on which 
tlR-ir parry is founded. Gazing, too constantly, at the gorgeous colors, that 
wave ovci- the temple of their idolatry, they stumble into dangerous pitfalls. — 
Such men are to be found in all parties — men who look at the party-flag instead 
of the party-principles. There are thousands, for esainple, in the Democratic 
party, who would shoin for joy, were slavery, to-morrow, to be swept away for- 
ever. And on the other hiiud, there are thou.sands, it is to be feared, in the 
Kepublican paity who would consent to become holders of slaves, if they 
tiiouyiif, it would be for iheir pecuniary interest. Such attach themselves to 
the l)arty, whichever it may be, by mistake, or from love of gaia and power; 



7 

or because their fathers or their friends have rallied around its banner. They 
remain in it, ofttimes, long after being convinced of tlicir error, merely because 
of certain false notions of consistency, which prevail. Omsistcnrij 'is an ad"' 
mirable virtue ; but none is more thoroughly miaundcrstood. 

False consistency relates to time ; true consistency to character. False con- 
siistency requires a har-nonious life ; true consistency, a harmonious soul. 
False consistency is horizontal ; true consistency is perpendicular. False con- 
sistency demands that, when a man has once taken his position in social, lite- 
rary, political or religious life, he should never grow wiser, or better ; true 
consistency is the result of such moral growth. False consistency is forever 
recurring to precedents ; true consistency ever points to principles, 

A man, therefore, who is truJi/ consistent, will never make it his boast that 
he has "always voted a straight ticket;" he never will shout: "The party 
right or wrong ;" ho never will adopt as his motto : "Rule or ruir. !" 

To party-spirit is, it' a great measure, attributable the present unhappy com- 
motion and disturbance of our beloved land. Party-spirit makes men deaf to 
argument, remonstrance and entreaty. Tt inclines them to perversenes^ and 
malevolence, to fraud and to violence. While it has sought, by intimidation, 
to silence the voice of the patriot and the philantliropist, it has led, through 
the paths of misrepresentation and falsehood, to distrust and fear, to bittt-rnoss 
and reviling, to threats and challenges. (jrOD grant that it may not lead to 
permanent disrupture, amid the atrocities of civil war. 

While my whole soui glows in sympathy with the anti-slaverj- sentiment 
which is now so rapidly spreading through the laud, I most earnestly depre* 
cate that unchristian .spirit of iihpatience and wrath, so often its concomitant. 
Let us he patient — let us be kind ! True christian love is the only alkahest 
that can dissolve, simultaneously, the fetters of iron encircling the limbs of the 
slave, and the fetters of prejudice encircling the soul of his master. 

And on the other hnnd, I denounce, (and 1 know that you will all join in 
the denunciation) — I dendnnco tlie spirit o? insubordinutioii — also engendeved 
bv par<y-strife — which would recklessly abandon the only safe basi.snf as^oeiatcni 
action ; viz, the rule establishing the lc;jitimateli/ expressed will of the iwijorif'j 
as law. Dt'.'^ert that solid rock, and you must either permit the minority t > 
rule, (despotism); or you iuu.-^t resolve society into its constituent elements, 
(anarchy.) 

Men become so blindly attached to party, that they are even made ^villing, 
in certain exigences, to take that suicidal step, which if iollowed, would >hi!ttt'r 
all parties, naticms, conifuunilie-s, and even families, leaving each i!!divi<l- 
ual standing by himself, very independent, and very insecure. This would be 
the situation of mankind, were all to exercise that boasted right of secession, 
now so loudly advocated by irritated and disappointed aspirants after power. 
Jiook at Soufh Carolina, for example. She claims the right to secede fruni the 
Union. She exerci.ses liiat supposed right. She abhors ihose who would force 
from lier an unwiUin2 .submission to the will of the" majority. In adjust-n^ 
her plans for future operations, as an independent State, she will be singularly 
fortunate, if. entire unanimity is secured among her citizens, respecting the 
numerous perplexing and novel questions that necessarily will arise. Suppose 
there should be dissension. A minority oppose the will of the majority. So 
they in turn secede from South Carolina. Are they not justiSed by the same 
course of argument which was laid down by the State itself, in justification of 
ilg secession from the United States ? Minorities might thus continue to secede 
from majorities, until all the individuals, compcsing that fiery little Dominion 
had seceded from each other, and stood in a position of Ishniaelitish alienation. 

Such is the legitimate result of exercising party -spirit, contracting the limits 



8 

of co-operation until finally the party, the nation, the State, the community, the 
very family is swept away. 

Let us no longer trust ourselves on the impetuous torrent of party prejudice 
and passion, that rushes out to the boisterous ocean of anarchy, where the up- 
rising, livinf] billows meet, only to dasli each other down again. Nor let us 
seek to stay the torrent, by casting in the shiftinir sands of cnuipromisc. 

Calmly, patiently, faithfully let us discharge uur civil, political and religious 
duties, guided by the star of eternal Truth. If our Lord is with us, we are 
safe. What though parties fall, and nations cra>h and disappear, it is })etter 
with CiirusT in the ship, to ride amid the storm, than vvdthout him, to sail over 
tran(iuil but treacherous seas 

Another national sin, whi<"h we should abandon and repent of, is 

III. Lust for Dominion. 

Ever since the birth of this nation, a desire has been prevalent among its 
citizens, to see its borders enlarged — not so much for the sake of extending 
more widely the benefits of our free government, as for the pupose of swelling 
national pride. 

This lust for dominion has been gratified thus far, to an extent almost, if not 
quite, commensurate with our opportupities. And still there are thousands 
in oar land, to who.'-e ambitious minds no map can seem correctly drawn, 
which does not make the boundary line of the United States identical with 
that of the North American continent. 

Hence, the purchase of Louisiana in 1803 ; hc-nee, the annexation of Tcsa.«, 
and the ensuing Mexican War, i<!suing in t!ie treaty of 184S, wliereby vast 
regions, occupied by a turbulent population were ad'led to the American Re- 
public. Hence, the expedition against Cuba, in LS-30, under the command of 
Gen. LoPKZ. Hence the ill-starred Xicaragu.ui invasion, of more n-eeiit d:ite. 
Hence, many projected enterprises, equally as grasiiliig and venturesome, but 
nevfr reaching maturity. 

Con! 1 we know how much treasure ha,s boon lost, how much blood has been 
s'led. how many homes made desolate, how manv wives made widow,--, and 
chihiieu left faih-udess, by these iniquitous developments of the lust for do- 
minion, we should bow down our heads in sorrow and confe.ss that we deseived 
punishment, from a just God. 

But, wherefore, my fellow-countrymen, should we desire to extend more 
■widely the boundaries of our already gigantic dominion ? Consider, first, the 
greatness of the territory already possessed. Unable to grasp in thought the 
whole at once, we are obliged to look at a lyortion by itself.* Measure tho 
twelve V/estern and N )rth- Western States, and you will find that they cover 
an area of about 067,804 square miles. But these tigu'-es convey no very 
definite idea. Let n)e say, then, that this territory of which I am speaking, 
is larger than that included within the limits of Great Britain, L'eland, France, 
Spain, Portugal, Italy, Greece, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium and Germany. 
Twelve States here larger than twelve nations tliere. 

So much for the extent of the West. Its cap abilities for supporting a denso 
population can hardly be exaggerated. It is a beautiful land, of hill and dale, 
forest and prairie, lake, river and mountain All the riches that nature can 
pour from her bountiful lap, are here to be found in lavish profusion. Con- 
trast now its actual number of inhabitants with that of the European natiood 
referred to, and you will find that they have seventeen times as many as we. 
Hence it follows, since our soil is fresher and richer than theirs, that it is no 
exaggeration to afSrm, that where one man is now living in the West, seven- 

*The material for these calculations is supplied by the Annual Reports of A. H. M. c. and Unge- 
witter's '"Europe." Kansas and Nebraska are included iu this estimate. 



teen men can live ! There is room, in fact, according to those cah-ulnlion.'-., 
for about 140,000,000 more, to live in these Western States in addition to the 
10,000,000 already here. In order to bring these fignres down still nearer to 
our powers of comprehension, let us compare our own State with any ot the 
European nations. Michigan is considerably more tlian ttricc as large as Hol- 
land and j'elgium. Yet she has but one fifteenth the number of iidiabilants. 
"We could give homes, then, to thirty tinses as many human beings as arc now 
within our State borders, and still be no more crowded than the iidia!:iiunts of 
ilolland and Belgium. 

These are facts worthy' of our earnest consideration. They are known 
beyond the waters of the wide Atlantic, and the starving millions ( f the Old 
World are seeking homes in the JSfew. Ililhcr they arc coming like a mighty 
flood ! 

Welcome! yc children of other lands! Welcome, to a home in ours !— ' 
Welcome, to partake with us of the riches of these fertile pi'airies. and tliesj 
gig?ntic forests! We will share with you the bcnefacuons uf a kind Provi- 
dence. 

Yet, ray fellow countrymen, it behooves us to rememlKn- th;it, for ;l.o Jinst 
part, the.-e incoming millions are not educated for liberty, and it will require 
all our wisdom, firmness and fidelity to give them the boon they ask. 

This work of development and coHtYol is enough for us now.^ l^et ns before 
attempting to enlarge our dominion, seek to rule well that wliich wo liavc.-- 
Oui- nation is already a giant in size; it is time for it to become a giiiiit in 
straijlJi. The bones, muscles and sinews of our Samson nc-ecl hardening and 
tou<fhening— and more important even than this, it remains to gicc direction 
to t:ie emploijinent of his might)/ enerqies. For this, there is a struggle bes 
twcen the Spirit of Libertv and the Spirit of Bondage. It is still to he det.T. 
mined whether this giant is to smite down the hosts of error by the t.iousauds. 
or i^ to "rind in the prison-house, bound and blind, the sport oi \ [)d>.tines . 
Thi:- joutcst, begun years ago, is now becoming more and more violent, and it 
niu.-^ b(3 settled, before we can safely incre;^se the doujams whicu wc already 
govern \*'ith so much contention and trouble. 

i'hi.- train of thought naturally introduces the subject of 

Slavehy. 
Tt is introduced as an clement in this fiery contest of which^we are now 
vnr.kin" Praisc.l be Ood ! It need not be iaclmkd in the catalogue o! h.oso 
'LinmdBUXi. for which we are. this day to repent. It is no longer national, 
hot srctional : and tlioso wl o commit it, and those who keepit m countenance, 
are the (mes who are called on to repent of the wrongs it brings in Us r.n, - 
r.nt do then rvpeu}^^ ^^« Boutiiern gales watt to our ears the ly.uddc con- 
fessions, and penitential sighs of those who have hud the yoke of t'o;-'!''^;- ; 
nn innocent rice? Ah, no! Still upon those breezes are ^;:'-^;-;;; "^ l^"' 
dunking of fetters, the crack of the overseer's w.tp, the ^"-7^^^' ^;"' , •.- 
\n.' 'atelv thev are laden with stranirc threats a,.a ma,ig.ant_ cul^..^, uUK.i 
.;u;incet£, since slavery has ceased to be a national un, U has occome a 

''X:tlt^ of our Lord 1020, two seeds from f^.ivign ^^^^t 
on Au.ericansoil; and those seeds are now ^^^':'^^f^J^^:Z^,^ 
In that vear "A Dutch ship, from Anica arriving ^ ^^^^^^ j^, f' ,^ 
her cargo of negroes was purchased by the colony ^ And t n. ^^ a the w 
mencement of Negro Slavery Jn^ieJJnUec^tates.^ In the sa.nc u.,... 

' ^This'rejoicin^ma^'scem p^matu^e. It is not -^a^tthaTw^ have -:;• 

on The beaii..g ol' thil sin ; nor tt.at we have do.' -/ , - <^^^ aT MthfuUy followed up, it will not ho 



10 

band of Pllgrlmf!, landing on Plymouth Kocli, "assumed fur the first time, tho 
grand principle of a voluntary confederacy of independent men; instituting 
government, for tho good, not of the governors, but of the gov3rned." 

Early in the history of our country ihese two forces — Slavery and Liberty — 
came into collision. Compromise on crimpromise has been made, between these 
mortal foes, by men afraid to meet the issue at once, and preferring to hand it 
down to their children — a baleful legacy ! For our datj it has been reserved 
to witness the final struggle. 

It is now begun ; — a struggle unaccompanied, as yet, by the clangor of the 
war 'trumpet, anil the booming of cannon ; — yet a struggle in which the same 
principles, the same hopes, the same liberty are at strike, as were involved in 
that otlier conflict, wherein our fathers expended their treasure and their blood. 
The burning enthusiasm that leaped through the veins of Revolutionary he- 
roes, is glowing still in the hearts of triany of their sons. 

The immediafe cause of the trouble raging through our land has been al- 
luded to, viz : by refusing to adopt slavery as a national sin, we make it a 
nationtd fue. The majority of the people of these United States, with extraor- 
dinary composure and dignity, as though aware that they were acting under 
the gaze of the world and of God, have decided, at the ballot-box, that as a 
nation, r:e will no longer be held responsible for the sin of slavery. We havo 
said to the South : "Jletain your vslaves if you will! Catch then), if you can, 
when they escape ! But ask us not to aid you in planting the Upas tree on 
the virgin soil of new territories. 'SVa are determined to plant, wherever we 
lawfully can, ihc fair tree of gospel Liberty — twin sister to that "Tree of 
Life," whose leaves arc "for the healing of the nations." 

The warm blood of Southern men boils in their veins. They rage, they 
storm, they precipitate the country, as rapidly as possible, into the horrors of 
civil war. And tho only truthful reason assign-id for all this is, that "the 
North proposes to force them into emancipation by surrounding them with a 
cordon of free States." Hence they rebel. They will not be led to emanci- 
pate their slaves, and whatever looks to that end is hated by them. 

Ileretuforo the Southern men have opposed "p'ditical preaching." But now 
they are right on that point.* Ministers of the Gospel are to be found in tho 
foremost ranks of the secessionists. Tho elonuent Palmer, of New Orleans, 
hesitates not to avow the true position of both the North and the South. Of 
the former, he truthfully says : "A whole generation has been educated to 
look upon the system (of slaver3') with ahliornnice as a national blot. They 
hope, and look, and pray for its extinction within a reasonable time, and can- 
not be satisfied, unless thingiJ are seen dr.iv.ing to that conclusion," Of tho 
South, and its relations to slavery, he says: '•Vv^'e, on the contrary, as its con- 
stituted guardian, can demand nothing less tiian that it should by left open to 
expansion, subject to no limitations, save those imposed by God and nature." 
These are tlie words of one of America's mo!~t distinguished divines, and they 
may be taken as the key-note of t!ie tune that SouLherners now are playing as 
they prepare for battle. 

The North is wedded to Prcedom ; the South is wedded to Slavery. And 
all men, of all parties, are beginning to see that, between these two elements, 
there is indeed an "Irrepressible Conflict." 

There is, perhaps, pusdianimity enough still at the North, to n)ake a com- 
promise acceptable, were not the Soutli uxacti.ig beyond precedent. The only 
compromise to which the Slave States will listen, is one that will disgrace the 



*And so are pro-slavery men at the North— provided, the sermon advocates their own senUments; 
otherwise they are bitter as ever in their opposition. Hear them praise the sermons of Pal.meii, Vaw 
Dykk, et id genus omnc. 



11 

Nation forever, by committing it in favor of the propngnmlism of an institu- 
tion which they abhor. 

And it is well 1 Compromise would only p<n;tpnne the final day of scttU'- 
tnent. It mi^ht as well come now as ever! The (juestimi can never he set* 
tied more easily than now. It is continually becoming more and more com- 
plicated. 

There are but tiro methods of final settlement possible ; the terms of which 
are thus stated by Hon. Abraham Lincoln : '-Uit/icr the opponents of shivm/ 
will arrest the further spread of it, and place it irhrre the pnilir wind shall 
rest in the belief that it is in the course of idfiniafc crtiuiiion : or its adrnrdtca 
will push it forward, till it shall become alike lairfnl in all f/ic ,Sl'ilcs, old, as 
well as new, jVbrth as icell as Suuth." 

Quietly, peaceably, by a lawful use of the ballot-box. on the Gth of Novem- 
ber, 18G0, the North have decided that the former shall be the method of 
settlement. Violently, by threatenings, by intimidation, by nn appeal to arms, 
the South propose to force the latter method upon an unwilling nation. 

Slarery is doomed, if the North will but adhci-e to its cl.oscn and clu rislu-d 
principles of freedom. Distinguished advocates of that in-tunfion a-siire n-, 
and their followers, that it cannot exist ten years, if (ho Noitiiern poliev i.^ 
adopted and developed. 

In the Union, or out of it, then, the South v.-iil find il-i'lf con^trairic(\ not 
by arms necessarily, but by tlie mysterious fo;v- ot' Aimi-hfy Jijs;i<-,>. and 
Truth, to relinquish its hold upon an oppressed race This cn'nt will oecnr 
speeilily. if the friends of luimanitv and Christian patriots i\rc, faiilifid f i th-'ir 
trust. If they are otherwise, slavery will ultimately cxten 1 ov.'r the whole 
Union, and the entire countrv will he as utdiapjiily' situated as a portion of it 
now is. The deliverence of the slave, is only a question of time. J t will cer- 
tainly come sooner or later. 

Suppose all the Slave Stales secede, and orsrani/e a Southern Confederacv. 
It will be bounded on the north by a free nation, far iuore powerful than Can- 
ada: ami that nation will, when the time comes, iiave the most intense hatred 
of slavery. To use the laniTuage of a Kentucky jilanter: "The blue hills of 
Indiana would bs Canada. Sticession, sir, brings Canada in sight of my plan- 
tation I" 

Mad.i effeminate by a life of luxury ; thoroughly intermingled with a race 
of iii^n whose better feelings they have outraged in a thousand different ways, 
and whose minds they have excited by foolish falsehoods respecting the plan? 
and wishes of anti-slavery men ; and above all, disturbed by the forcbodinjrs 
of a guilty conscience, the Slave States are beginning to fear for them.udvcs the 
terrible fate of San Domiuiro. With good reason niay they fear it if they continue 
to grasp after irresponsible po\?er. Sic semper tijrannis — the motto of A irginia 
— •contains a lesson which every Southern State should learn. It is no part of 
the divine plan, that wron;r .'ind oppression should achieve a final triumph. — 
The wisest thing the Southern States can do, is to remain in ihe Union, accede 
to the will of tilie majority, and by facilitating the speedy emancipation of the 
slaves, relieve themselves and us from disturbance and peril. But far differ- 
ent are their present intentions. 

See how madly they are seeking to alienate from themselves the feelin?:s of 
the North ! No pains are taken to conciliate us, none are spared to infuriate 
us. The infatuated States rush on their doom ! They are striking at the 
hearts of their best and truest friends. Nowhere on the globa is there a peo- 
ple that love the Southern States so well as we at the North ~w^., wh )m they 
imagine, and call, and treat as their foes. True, our love for them is mucli 



12 

like \h\t we have for a petted, spoiled cliiW, with whose waywardness we are 
vexed, but from wlioin we expect better things. 

We lore the South! ^Ye^e she assailed by foes from within or without, our 
blond would flow from her wounds. 

]Ve hive the South! But we cannot, for that reason, become rei?ponsible for 
!ier Kiiw^, nor ailopt them as our own, nor even consent to be silent respecting 
their existence and continuance. 

We I'jce the South ! And because we love her, we will not suffer her, in 
this period of excitement and alarm, to swing away from us into the abyss of 
ruin. As we woull cling to a maniac brother who sought his own destruction 
— aye I cling to him, though he raved, and cursed, and fought; so will we 
clin<x to the South, even against her will. 

ll'e love the South! And therefore we shall this day send up our prayers 
to high Heaven, that requisite firmness may be granted to our Chief Magis'* 
trate to hold her resolutely to her allegiance. And we rejoice to know that 
recent indications promise that such prayers may not go wholly unanswered. 

We love the South ! And on her behalf we shall this day pray that she may 
"loose the bands of v/ickedncss, undo the heavy burdens and let the oppressed 
L'otree, and break every yoke." Why sLould she tremble at the thought of 
emtinci' ati'm ? 

Faithftiily relying upon divine aid and protection, let her begin the impor- 
tant work I Were that work begun to-day, universal joy might cause the 
Negro population of America to forget, for a little time, tlieir bodily wants, in 
the ireneral jubilee. Vmt on tlie morrow, the demands of nature would com- 
pel them to labor again. Hunger and the hope of gain are more powerful in- 
centives to toil than the lash. The blacks are generally a good natured peo- 
ple, given more to dance and song than to war and bloodshed. But should they, 
led on by some fanatic, seek to escape from honest labor for suitable wages, 
by resorting to violence and pillage ; should they rise in ungrateful conspiracy 
against their former masters, here's an arm, and there are millions more at 
tlie North, that would cheerfully wield a sword in defending Southern breth- 
ren from such a punishment for their generosity! 

Oh ! how joytul will that day be, in wdiich it is announced that not a slave 
can be found upon American soil ! That day will come, if it come, as it 
should, through the paths of righteousness, it will be a day of thanksgiving, 
for the liberated slave; a day of peaceful satisfaction, for his recent master; 
a day of rapture, for every patriotic heart. On that day of universal exulta- 
tion, America shall put on her white apparel and her crown of glory. On 
that blessed day, the inspired prediction shall be fulfilled: " Tl ten shall thy 
light break fort li as tlie murnmg, and thine health shall sj^nng forth speedily.' 



^ 



/: 



